CANADA & MERCOSUR

Canadá y el Mercosur – para no perder de vista /Canada & Mercosur – to keep track of this initiative

Ante la apertura de la consulta pública sobre las negociaciones para un Acuerdo de Libre Comercio entre el Mercosur y el Canadá, lanzada por el gobierno brasileño el 25 de septiembre, parece prudente tener en cuenta este escenario futuro sobre un posible acuerdo que se viene gestando sin prisa desde tiempo atrás. En un Mercosur alejado de los grandes acuerdos que se tejen en el área del Pacífico, no está de más seguir estos contactos.

In view of public consultations opened by the Brazilian Government on September 25^th., with regard to the negotiations for a FTA between Mercosur and Canada, it seems reasonable to keep an eye on this process, one that has been developing without haste for some time now.  Considering Mercosur is not participating in the significant agreements being negotiated within the Pacific area, keeping track of these contacts seems a sensible thing to do.

Les traemos aquí, sin agregar nada, el comunicado canadiense de marzo de este año y la reciente publicación oficial brasileña.

Without further comments, we bring you here both the Canadian press report of March 2012 and the recent official publication by the Brazilian Government.

Mauricio López Dardaine

    Canadian source / Fuente canadiense: Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada; International.gc.ca, March 2012;

    Fuente brasileña en el Mercosur / Brazilian source within Mercosur: Diario Oficial da União, CIRCULAR Nº 45, DE 25 DE SETEMBRO DE 2012, gentileza de la Cámara de Exportadores de la República Argentina.

Deepening Canada’s Trade Ties with Mercosur Part

of Harper Government’s Broad and Ambitious Pro-

Trade Plan

Minister Fast promotes Canada’s trade advantages on visit to Argentina

March 20, 2012 

“The Honourable Ed Fast, Minister of International Trade and Minister for the Asia-Pacific Gateway, today concluded a two-day trade visit to Argentina, where he met with political and business leaders to advocate more trade and job-creating partnerships between Canada and Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay—the countries that make up the Mercosur

customs union[1].

‘Our government is committed to creating jobs and prosperity for Canadian workers and their families,’ said Minister Fast. ‘My visit to Argentina was an opportunity to promote the mutual benefits of expanded trade and investment ties between us.’

During his visit to Buenos Aires, Minister Fast met with Argentina’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Héctor Timerman to discuss Canada’s interest in concluding exploratory discussions toward deepened trade and investment with Mercosur, the Southern Common Market.

‘Deepening and broadening Canada’s economic relationship with high-growth markets like Mercosur is a key part of our pro-trade plan for jobs, economic growth and long-term prosperity,’ said Minister Fast.

Mercosur is a market of nearly 250 million consumers and has a combined GDP of almost $3 trillion. It also accounts for almost three quarters of total economic activity in South America. In 2011, bilateral merchandise trade between Canada and Mercosur reached more than $9.7 billion, which represents a 213-percent increase over the last decade. ‘Canada-Mercosur exploratory trade talks are seeking to identify areas of mutual interest toward the potential negotiations of an agreement that would be mutually beneficial,’ said Minister Fast. Discussions to date have been productive. Two exploratory meetings between Canadian and Mercosur officials have already been held, with a third meeting expected to take place in Ottawa in

May. While in Argentina, Minister Fast also met with Julio de Vido, Minister of Federal Planning, Public Investment and Services, and Daniel Cameron, Secretary of Energy, to discuss Canada’s continued support of Canadian companies wishing to invest in Argentina. He met with members of the Canadian business community representing a variety of sectors, including energy, information and communications technologies, construction, industrial equipment, mining operations and pharmaceuticals. Minister Fast then met with Gerardo Werthein, Chief Executive Officer of Holding Caja de Ahorro y Seguro and Vice Chair Telecom Argentina, who leads one of the most influential and diversified family-owned groups of companies in Argentina. ‘Canadian companies operate in a socially responsible manner and contribute to job creation and prosperity around the world,’ said Minister Fast. Currently, companies listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange operate more than 200 mineral projects in Argentina. At the end of 2010, the stock of Canadian direct investment in Argentina stood at $2.5 billion, an increase of 25.8 percent compared to 2009.”

Diario Oficial da União

CIRCULAR Nº 45, DE 25 DE SETEMBRO DE 2012

Abre consulta pública sobre as negociações

para um Acordo de Livre Comércio entre o

Mercosul e o Canadá.

A SECRETÁRIA DE COMÉRCIO EXTERIOR, DO MINISTÉRIO

DO DESENVOLVIMENTO, INDÚSTRIA E COMÉRCIO

EXTERIOR, com base no disposto no art. 17 do Anexo I do

Decreto nº 7.096, de 4 de fevereiro de 2010, e na Portaria MDIC nº

6, de 11 de janeiro de 2008, e

CONSIDERANDO que o Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul)

e o Canadá iniciaram discussões exploratórias para avaliar a

possibilidade de lançamento de negociações de um acordo de livre

comércio, resolve:

Art. 1º Fica aberto, a contar da data de publicação desta

Circular, o prazo de 60 (sessenta) dias para que seja apresentado

posicionamento sobre potenciais interesses ofensivos e defensivos nas

áreas de bens, serviços e investimentos em relação à abertura de

negociações para um Acordo de Livre Comércio entre o Mercosul e

o Canadá.

Art. 2º As manifestações de interesse poderão ser formuladas

exclusivamente por associações ou entidades de classe e deverão ser

encaminhadas por meio digital ao endereço MERCOSUL.Canada@

mdic. gov. br.

Art. 3º As manifestações deverão contemplar todos os itens

abaixo:

I - Dados da associação ou entidade de classe:

a) nome;

b) endereço;

c) telefone;

d) pessoa responsável para contato; e

c) endereço eletrônico.

II - Caracterização da manifestação:

a) a manifestação deverá indicar interesses ofensivos e defensivos

da associação ou entidade de classe sobre as negociações

entre o Mercosul e o Canadá, destacando a área (bens, serviços ou

investimentos) a que se refere;

b) em relação à área de bens, a manifestação deverá destacar

os produtos de maior interesse ofensivo ou eventuais interesses defensivos,

indicando para ambos os casos a classificação dos produtos

na Nomenclatura Comum do Mercosul (NCM) e apresentando justificativas

que embasem o posicionamento; e

c) em relação às áreas de serviços e investimentos, a manifestação

deverá destacar os setores de maior interesse ofensivo ou

eventuais interesses defensivos, indicando para ambos os casos a

classificação do serviço na Classificação Central de Produtos (CPC) e

apresentando justificativas que embasem o posicionamento.

Art. 4º As contribuições não enviadas na forma estabelecida

nesta circular ou recebidas fora do prazo fixado no art. 1º não serão

consideradas para avaliação da Secretaria de Comércio Exterior.

Art. 5º Todas as informações fornecidas são de caráter sigiloso

e serão analisadas para a definição da posição brasileira.

Art. 6º Esta circular entra em vigor na data de sua publicação.

Tatiana Lacerda Prazeres

---

[1] Calling Mercosur a “customs union” is certainly an exaggeration. Although Mercosur has an external common tariff and an internal zero tariff zone, joint bodies and common legislation, it is still a far cry from a true customs union. Comment by MLD.

It might be good to remember that in 2005, these talks between Canada and Mercosur took place with the background of the FTAA negotiations having floundered, especially after the last coordinated effort made by most at the November 2003 meeting held in Miami. At the time (2005), Canada insisted that what were agreed during those initial talks (with Mercosur) ought to be incorporated into the FTAA, once the continental rounds were resumed in earnest. / Quizás no esté de más recordar que allá por 2005, estas conversaciones entre el Canadá y el Mercosur, se daban con el telón de fondo del ya evidente fracaso del ALCA, luego del esfuerzo concertado que se había hecho en Miami, durante la ronda de noviembre de 2003. Canadá insistía entonces (2005) en que cualquier resultado positivo que surgiera de estos contactos fuese volcado al ámbito del ALCA una vez que el proceso continental retomase su curso. MLD

Proteccionismo & algo sobre Huella de Carbono

¿Hacia un mundo más proteccionista?

Y algo sobre la Huella de Carbono

Por Mauricio López Dardaine

S

e escuchan por todos lados apelaciones que nos invitan a evitar crear nuevas barreras al comercio exterior. Pero desde que estalló la crisis, una inestabilidad que tiende a prolongarse, por todos lados los hechos parecen moverse en dirección contraria a los discursos.

Mientras se denuncian las dificultades para importar, los mismos países denunciantes desencadenan mecanismos que dificultan la competencia externa. Este tipo de medidas se ajustan, en muchos casos, a la letra de lo firmado ante la OMC, no así a su espíritu.

Los Estados Unidos, por citar sólo un ejemplo de estos días, ya en los tramos finales de su campaña electoral, han reaccionado con inusitada fuerza frente a los aumentos arancelarios puestos en vigencia por el Brasil; incrementos éstos que están en armonía con las tendencias que se observan en el Mercosur.

Pero no sólo de tarifas aduaneras viven los países que buscan proteger sus mercados ante la declinación de la demanda interna. Desde hace unos años la protección de la salud y el ambiente (imposible pensar en causas más nobles) sirven también, en ocasiones, para crear obstáculos un poco más sutiles. Cambio Climático y Comercio no son mutuamente neutros. Como todos sabemos, los procesos productivos que dan origen a los bienes objeto del comercio mundial, pueden ser más o menos “limpios”. Ello en función de los gases de efecto invernadero[1] que se emiten para crear sus materias primas, para transportarlas, para transformarlas en bienes, para envasar dichos bienes y  transportarlos a su vez hasta el lugar (cercano o lejano) donde serán distribuidos y vendidos. A ello se le agregan los gases de efecto invernadero asociados con el procesamiento final de los desechos que esos mismos bienes originan. La denominada “Huella de Carbono del Producto”, medida desde la “cuna” hasta la “tumba”, es decir tomando en cuenta el proceso de la A a la Z, expresa en unidades equivalentes de CO2, cuán “limpia” o cuán “sucia” es toda la transformación sufrida desde el punto de vista del Cambio Climático.

Ello es motivo de medición y etiquetado, muy comprensible desde el punto de vista de la salud del consumidor como individuo y del Planeta Tierra en su conjunto. No por ello es este parámetro menos una valla que deben franquear cada día en mayor medida los exportadores que venden al mundo.

Así como puede verse como una suerte de barrera “ambiental”, puede considerarse a su vez una ventaja competitiva para quienes ostenten una huella de carbono moderna, es decir más limpia que la de sus competidores del resto del mundo. Los productores de vinos argentinos (y chilenos) han comenzado desde hace un tiempo a tomar muy en cuenta este parámetro para su accionar en el competitivo mercado internacional del vino.

Y como todo indica que no habrá menos sino más proteccionismo, bajo diferentes formas, parece llegada la hora de ocuparse seriamente de la particular matriz de gases de efecto invernadero de nuestro principal producto de exportación.

*     *     *

---

[     1]  dióxido de carbono (CO₂); metano (CH₄); óxido nitroso (N₂O)

h        hidrofluorocarbonos (HFC);

p        perfluorocarbonos (PFC);

h hexafluoruro de azufre (SF₆).

Esa tendencia al secreto - Inclination to secrecy

El caso del acuerdo TPP

Esa tendencia a mantener el secreto entorno a la negociación y nuestro derecho a saber

Por Mauricio López Dardaine

Después de no pocos años de participar, desde el sector privado, en diversas negociaciones: en la ALADI, en el Mercosur, en la frustrada formación del ALCA y en otras rondas asociadas con el Comercio y el Desarrollo Sustentable, no extrañan realmente las fuertes críticas que ha suscitado el secreto que envuelve los textos de estas rondas de la alianza TPP.

Hemos vivido todo tipo de situaciones diferentes, y seguramente muchos de quienes lean estas líneas puedan compartir estos recuerdos, frescos unos, distantes otros. Desde la prohibición total de viajar para acompañar la delegación oficial hasta el estar invitados a sentarse a la mesa misma de las negociaciones. Lo más habitual ha sido aguardar en los pasillos para ser informados -más o menos oficialmente- del curso de la negociación, o inclusive ser consultados sobre temas puntuales. Sin olvidar alguna ocasión en que sin mucha ceremonia se nos echara de la sala donde se desarrollaba la discusión. También hubo etapas en las que a cada paso los representantes oficiales nos fueron informando sobre el desarrollo y solicitando nuestras opiniones, opiniones que en muchos casos los hicieron modificar sus posturas previas.

En cuanto a la información escrita, es interesante observar aquellas secciones de actas de las reuniones de los distintos cuerpos del Mercosur que llevan la mención “RESERVADO”, lo que requiere de ingentes esfuerzos y muy buenos contactos para hacerse del texto respectivo.

Creemos que, mientras existan negociaciones, todas estas variantes entre quienes tenemos derecho a saber, porque se juegan nuestros intereses, y quienes se sientan oficialmente a la mesa, serán escenarios posibles. En ese contexto, la preocupación respecto de estas rondas de la alianza TPP son claramente comprensibles.

*     *     *

That inclination to keep things secret and our right to know 

 TPP

After quite a number of years of attending international trade negotiations, mainly on behalf of the Export Chamber [Argentina], within the ALADI, the Mercosur and also during the former FTAA negotiations that took place across the Americas, plus negotiations dealing with Trade and Sustainable Development, one is not actually surprised at the criticism TPP rounds have triggered. Owing to the secrecy involved.

I have experienced all sorts of situations: from being boldly told not to travel, to being formally invited to sit at the same table with our official delegation. The average scenario is that of being “next door”, and being informed -officially or not- of what is actually happening, and at times even being formally consulted on points of our direct concern. Not to mention one time when we were asked, rather not politely, to leave the room where the negotiation was in progress.

Regarding written information -and the lack of available drafts is one of the angles criticised regarding the TPP chapters- we do have the example of the records of the various Mercosur committees, where we often walk into a wall in the form of “RESTRICTED” material. All of which requires time consuming endeavours and good contacts in order to be able to be informed of what does concern us.

We feel that as long as negotiations involving Trade, and Trade and Sustainable Development, take place in the various regions of the world, this kind of scenarios will tend to reproduce themselves, between watchful civil servants and concerned stakeholders.

TPP - No es oro todo lo que reluce - Not everybody agrees

Hay también fuertes críticas desde fuera del gobierno de los Estados Unidos a estas negociaciones de la Alianza Trans Pacífico. De fuente "Public Citizen", Washington D.C., 14 de septiembre 2012, agregamos este comentario.

                      TPP   Members - Estados Miembros

Country	Status	Date - Fecha de incorporación al proceso
Brunei	Original Signatory	June 2005
Chile	Original Signatory	June 2005
Singapore	Original Signatory	June 2005
New Zealand	Original Signatory	June 2005
United States	Negotiating	February 2008
Australia	Negotiating	November 2008
Peru	Negotiating	November 2008
Vietnam	Negotiating	November 2008
Malaysia	Negotiating	October 2010
Mexico	Negotiating	June 2012
Canada	Negotiating	June 2012

              Fuente de este cuadro - source for this chart above : Wikipedia

"The Obama administration has negotiated the TPP for three years in conditions of unprecedented secrecy. The lack of transparency, including denying members of Congress access to the draft TPP text, has sparked growing controversy. Most of the TPP's 26 draft chapters don't address trade, but instead establish strongly enforced limits on non-trade domestic policies ranging from medicine pricing to financial regulation and Internet access terms to food safety. Public Citizen's experts will explain that TPP would launch a new wave of U.S. job offshoring, jack up medicine prices, open a backdoor for the Stop Online Piracy Act, ban Buy American policies and empower foreign corporations to sue sovereign governments in international tribunals for regulatory compensation. In addition, it would lock in Wall Street deregulation."

"La administración Obama ha negociado la TPP por tres años en condiciones de secreto sin precedentes. La falta de transparencia, incluyendo negar acceso a miembros del congreso [de los EE UU] a los borradores del texto, ha encendido una controversia..."

NOTA: Como responsable de este blog, no necesariamente creo deber  estar de acuerdo con todo lo que aquí traigo a sus lectores, aunque siempre parece bueno escuchar [o leer sobre] distintas campanas. Lo cierto es que, buscando en Internet información detallada sobre estas negociaciones de la TPP, no es fácil encontrar el tipo de información que suele difundir, en general, la OMC, por ejemplo. Que es una de las crítica que hacen quienes hablan de un gran sigilo en las negociaciones de la TPP. Si alguien tiene distinta información al respecto, será muy apreciada. MLD

COMMENT:  Being responsible for this blog, I feel I don't necessarily need to agree with everything I bring to your attention. However, it's not bad to hear [or read about] diverging views. I happen to have had difficulties in order to find details regarding these TPP negotiations on the Internet. As a general rule, though not always, the WTO, for instance, tends to explain what the stages of their negotiations deal about. If someone has more detailed information on these TPP rounds, it will certainly be welcome. MLD

La Alianza Trans Pacífico - Trans Pacific Partnership

Continuando con: El EJE SE HA CORRIDO

Some more on our former comment

THE AXEL HAS MOVED WEST

Por Mauricio López Dardaine

Fuente (source): Cámara de Exportadores de la República Argentina

Para tratar de mantener la norma de no extendernos mucho, les recordamos sólo que hace unos días hablamos sobre el corrimiento del eje del comercio de nuestra América del Atlántico hacia el Pacífico, cuestión que está empezando a quedar clara también en nuestro Mercosur. En este comunicado de prensa estadounidense que nos trae la Cámara de Exportadores, es interesante ver la cuestión a la luz de la campaña presidencial de los Estados Unidos. No vamos a agregar nada al comentario de prensa, salvo observar que la serie de temas que se tratan en él tienen mucha similitud con los de la alicaída Ronda de Doha. Hemos comentado ya sobre la negociación paralela de la APEC sobre Bienes Ambientales. ¿Será que esta alianza Trans Pacífico va a lograr en la zona comercial más dinámica del mundo lo que la OMC intentó durante una década?

In order to be brief, we only remind you that a few days ago we commented on the axel of world trade moving West of the Americas; towards the Pacific Ocean. This question appears to become also clearer within Mercosur. In this press release by the US, brought to us by our Export Chamber, it is interesting to look at the question in the light of the US presidential campaign. We shall add nothing to the press release itself, except by noticing that the series of issues included in the negotiation bear a great deal of resemblance to those in the disheartened Doha Round. We have already commented on the parallel APEC negotiation regarding Environmental Goods. Is it realistic to think now, that this Trans Pacific Partnership is about to achieve -within the most dynamic trade region of the world- what the WTO was unable to pull off at world level?

“September 15, 2012

Leesburg, Virginia – Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiators have continued to make progress at the 14th round of negotiations, which ended today in Leesburg, Virginia. Responding to direction in the September 9th statement of TPP Leaders issued at Vladivostok, Russia, negotiators in Leesburg focused on resolving outstanding issues where possible and narrowing differences on those that still need work.

Over the 10-day negotiating round, negotiators from the United States and the other eight TPP countries – Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore and Vietnam – advanced their efforts to reach agreement on the texts of the 29 chapters of the agreement. The teams were pleased with progress made on a wide range of chapters, including market access, customs, rules of origin, technical barriers to trade, sanitary and phytosanitary standards, cross border services, telecommunications, government procurement, and others. TPP member delegations also continued to move forward in constructing the tariff and other specific market-opening commitments that each country is making on industrial goods, agriculture, textiles, services and investment, and government procurement. Along with this progress, the nine countries also reported a continued focus on other important issues from intellectual property rights to labor and environment and other topics that address core issues faced by manufacturers, service providers, farmers, ranchers, and workers in the 21st century.

Through the TPP, the Obama Administration is seeking to conclude a state-of-the-art trade and investment agreement with some of the most dynamic economies in the Asia Pacific, boosting U.S. exports and supporting the creation and retention of U.S. jobs, while advancing core U.S. values such as labor rights and environmental protection.

The Leesburg negotiating round was structured by the United States to continue to provide stakeholders who accepted the invitation to be on-site during the talks with input and information regarding the round. On September 9, more than 250 stakeholders representing 93 groups from civil society, business, labor and regional development organizations spoke one-on-one or in small groups with TPP negotiators in a Direct Stakeholder Engagement Forum; 60 presenters also accepted the opportunity to give brief presentations on their views on key negotiating issues. That same day, U.S. Chief Negotiator and Assistant U.S. Trade Representative Barbara Weisel and fellow chief negotiators briefed stakeholders and took questions on the substance and process of the TPP talks.

At the close of a final press briefing today, it was announced that the 15th round of TPP negotiations will be held in Auckland, New Zealand December 3-12.

Mexico and Canada will join the TPP negotiations once current TPP members successfully conclude their domestic procedures, which is expected to occur in early October.”

*     *     *

Environmental goods negotiations - APEC - Example

Environmental goods negotiations revisited

APEC recent initiative

By Mauricio López Dardaine

I have been writing a few days ago on this recent APEC initiative aimed at negotiating an updated list of Environmental Goods, in this same blog (you may find these comments by just scrolling down within this same site).

I want to be a little more specific here by taking an example out of the list itself, purely at random.  Our key comments can be found in these three notes, included in their respective places as the example develops, and we also include here for your quick review:

Note 5: Observe here the classical flaw of the various Environmental Goods Lists that have been set for negotiation during the last decade: if you take the SIX DIGIT Harmonised System Classification by itself, and even if you add the comprehensive “HS Code Description”, are you able to separate an actual “Environmental Good” from other “Steam or other vapour generating boilers…” meant for purposes different than the provision of environmental services”?

Note 7: It is only when you introduce ex outs at the level of local (or economic block) customs, such as in the case of “parts for biomass boilers [US]” that you begin to confine imports set for negotiation within the actual field of “environmental goods”. This welcome step , however, is only the beginning.

Note 8: To the best of our knowledge, what follows here [remarks / environmental

benefit] may be an excellent negotiating argument, but from the point of view of customs in the importing country, it adds little value. From the point of view of customs, you require a well defined ex out. The question customs is faced with, in the case of this example is: “Are parts of biomass boilers actually different from parts of boilers for other uses?” If the answer is yes, we have gone a long way towards having a good basis for honest negotiation on tariff rebate for the specific environmental good.

ANNEX C - APEC List of Environmental

Goods

[Vladivostok, Russia, 8 and 9 September, 2012]

NOTE 1: We are here altering the original column format in order to facilitate our analysis of this one example

Note 2: HS stands for Harmonised [tariif] System

Note 3: by ex-out one is referring to, as a general rule,  a more specific code description made at a local or economic block level

HS (2002):  840290

HS (2007):  840290

HS (2012):  840290

HS Code Description: Steam or other vapour generating

boilers (other than central heating

hot water boilers capable also of

producing low pressure steam);

super-heated water boilers. [Ca, J,

NZ, K]

Note 4: Ca: Canada; J: Japan; NZ: New Zeland; K: South Korea

Note 5: Observe here the classical flaw of the various Environmental Goods Lists that have been set for negotiation during the last decade: if you take the SIX DIGIT Harmonised System Classification by itself, and even if you add the comprehensive “HS Code Description”, are you able to separate an actual “Environmental Good” from other “Steam or other vapour generating boilers…” meant for purposes different than the provision of environmental services”?

EX-OUT /

ADDITIONAL Product

Specification:  Parts for 840219x.

[Ca, J, NZ, K, Au] Note 6: Au: Australia

Parts for biomass

boilers. [US]

Note 7: It is only when you introduce ex outs at the level of local (or economic block) customs), such as in the case of “parts for biomass boilers [US]” that you begin to narrow imports set for negotiation to the actual field of “environmental goods”. This step, however welcome, is only the beginning.

REMARKS / ENVIRONMENTAL

BENEFIT:

Note 8: To the best of our knowledge, what follows here may be an excellent negotiating argument, but from the point of view of customs in the importing country it add little value. From the point of view of customs, you require a well defined ex out. The question customs is faced with, in the case of this example is: “Are parts of biomass boilers actually different for parts of boilers for other uses?” If the answer is yes, we have gone a long way towards having a good basis for honest negotiation of tariff rebate for the specific environmental good.

Parts for the boilers for the production

of heat and power on the basis of

(renewable) biomass fuels. [HK]

Part for biomass boilers for the

production of heat and power on the

basis of renewable biomass fuels.

This product should be seen in

relation to HS840219, biomass

boiler. Biomass in

heating systems uses

agricultural, forest, urban and

industrial residues and waste to

produce heat and electricity with less

effect on the environment than fossil

fuels. This type of energy production

has a limited long term effect on the

environment because the carbon in

biomass is part of the natural carbon

cycle. [S, BD].

*     *     *

LET ME ADD PART of ICTSD's "BRIDGES" ARTICLE on the same subject:

"... The topic of liberalising environmental goods and services has struggled to make headway within the WTO, a fact that leaders acknowledged at the gathering.
“Ladies and gentlemen, let me note that under the umbrella of WTO similar efforts have already been proceeding for over 10 years - and so far they have brought no results,” Russian President Vladimir Putin told reporters at the end of the summit. “Meanwhile, we were able to accomplish this list in just a few months, and this list of environmental goods was finalised during the meeting.”
While the APEC list is not tied to the WTO discussions, observers note that the conclusion of such a list might send a positive signal to the talks in Geneva.
APEC leaders are next expected to address non-tariff measures, trade sources say, as notifications of these by the group’s members have steadily increased in recent months; the regional grouping is also likely to work on building momentum toward liberalising trade in services..."